Thursday, July 30, 2026

Comment Against Orwellian "Policy Statement Concerning the Suppression of Accuracy in Artificial Intelligence Systems"

EXPLANATION:
Trump’s FTC is attempting to nullify state consumer‑rights protections around AI -including basic rights like asking what information a lender used to set your rate and correcting errors in it. Lawyers Defending American Democracy has an Action Alert explaining the issue.

Congress has already rejected efforts to block state protections, so the FTC is now asserting jurisdiction by claiming that states are “forcing” AI providers to give false information. Learn more at https://ldad.org/letters-briefs/action-alert-ftc-ai 

This is moving quickly, but you still have a chance to submit a comment opposing the policy — whether on constitutional grounds, legality, procedure, wisdom, or anything else you think matters. Individual comments, added together, help push the agency (or the inevitable litigation) toward a more intelligent resolution.

Submit Your Comment by 11:59 pm ET  Friday, July 31. At that link you can read the FTC’s justification, including some unintentionally comical claims about how blue states are anti‑technology. Hit the “Comment” button on that page to open the webform and follow directions.

Comment pointers:

  • Polemic is fun but useless. Use instead your own experiences, other facts, law and reason.
  • Comments longer than 5k characters can be uploaded as PDFs. Provide them as professional letters; include data if you got it.
  • It's perfectly ok to reject FTC's framing that states are inserting false information to support evil goals. Your informed perspective matters!
  • Your comment is public. Don’t dox yourself; don't put your email or physical address in the comment itself.
  • Request an emailed copy of your comment so you have the tracking code.
  • Don’t copy‑and‑paste someone else’s comment. Duplicates get ignored. Use others only for inspiration.
  • Above all: DO IT!  Speak up! Democracy is rule by the people, and that is more than just voting!
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Here's my comment. Yours will be different from mine because you are different from me.

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Re: Comment on the FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION’S PROPOSED POLICY STATEMENT CONCERNING THE SUPPRESSION OF ACCURACY IN ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE SYSTEMS (July 1, 2026)

To Whom It May Concern:

1. The proposal reflects a misunderstanding of how AI systems work.

AI systems learn patterns from the data they are trained on. As explained in standard expert works such as Tom Mitchell’s Machine Learning (McGraw‑Hill, 1997), statistical learning systems do not understand underlying causal relationships; they simply reproduce correlations present in the training data. It is well‑documented that this results in errors.

A classic example of systematic data error comes from World War II ocean‑temperature records. British and American ships often reported different sea‑surface temperatures while sailing through the same waters because the two navies measured it in different ways. British vessels typically used warm engine‑intake water, while American vessels relied on cooler deck‑bucket samples that lost heat through evaporation. As documented in Folland & Parker’s Correction of Instrumental Biases in Historical Sea Surface Temperature Data (1995), this produced a consistent bias in the historical record. An AI trained on such raw data would not know the underlying cause; it would simply learn that the nationality of the ship “affects” ocean temperature because that correlation appears in the dataset.

2. These mechanisms appear in medicine, hiring, insurance, and lending.

Likewise, in medicine, historically some groups received less care, not because they needed less care, but because of long‑standing assumptions or unequal access. Multiple studies have shown that women were often given less pain medication than men for the same reported pain levels; for example, Chen et al., Gender Disparity in Analgesic Treatment of Emergency Department Patients with Acute Abdominal Pain (2008), found that women presenting with comparable pain were significantly less likely to receive analgesics than men.

Patients aware of this history still face difficulties advocating for themselves even with human doctors. But when the decisionmaker is a medical‑risk algorithm trained on billing or treatment data shaped by those patterns, it may learn that women “need less care” simply because they historically received less care. The model does not understand the difference between unequal treatment and true medical need; it only sees the data. In such a case, the patient needs a means to address the incorrect decision.

The same mechanism appears in hiring systems. If historical records show that an employee from ZIP code 12345 performed poorly, the model may learn that applicants from that ZIP code are more likely to be poor performers. ZIP code is not a job‑related trait, but the model does not know that; it only sees correlations. The same thing can happen with any irrelevant attribute in the data, such as having red hair or having had an auto accident in the past five years, if those traits happen to correlate with past outcomes in the dataset.

Likewise, in insurance and lending, models trained on historical approvals or claims may learn that certain neighborhoods or demographic groups are “higher risk” simply because those groups historically had less access to credit, fewer opportunities to build financial history, or inconsistent medical documentation. Again, the model is not making a moral judgment; it is reproducing patterns in the data.

None of this requires malicious intent. It happens because the model is trained on data shaped by decades of human behavior, institutional practices, unequal access, and sometimes inaccurate data. Without auditing, monitoring, and correcting, an AI system will scale past biases and data errors into automated decisions. That is the problem the state laws are trying to address: ensuring that historical patterns do not become embedded in the algorithms that increasingly influence major life outcomes.

3. State AI laws addressing these issues do not impose political “equity objectives.”

The FTC’s assertion that these laws will “force” AI modelers to import equity objectives is incorrect. The state statutes do not require any equity‑based outcomes, adjustments, or model‑level interventions. They do not mandate demographic balancing, fairness constraints, or any form of outcome engineering. Their requirements are procedural, not substantive: they give consumers the ability to see what personal data was used, correct factual inaccuracies, and request human review. These rights do not alter model objectives; they simply ensure that decisions affecting individuals are based on accurate information. Nothing in these laws compels an AI developer to adopt equity goals or modify model behavior to achieve any particular distributional result.

The FTC identifies no state law that mandates political “equity” goals and no concrete harm caused by existing state statutes. Its characterization of state AI laws is unsupported, and it is irrational to suggest that states, whose economies depend on technological innovation as much as the nation’s, would adopt measures designed to undermine a flourishing AI industry. The FTC’s premise has no factual foundation.

These laws provide basic consumer‑protection rights: the right to request personal data used by an AI system, correct factually inaccurate personal data, and obtain meaningful human review. Blocking these rights makes it harder for consumers to correct errors or challenge decisions based on flawed or biased data. When an agency restricts such core consumer protections without identifying a factual or statutory basis, the action lacks a rational foundation and therefore becomes arbitrary and capricious under the Administrative Procedure Act.

4. The FTC has not identified a statutory basis for overriding state police powers.

Section 5 of the FTC Act does not preempt state consumer‑protection authority. States have long exercised concurrent jurisdiction over unfair and deceptive practices. Courts apply a presumption against preemption in areas of traditional state police power such as health, safety, and consumer protection. See Wyeth v. Levine (2009) and Medtronic v. Lohr (1996).

After Loper Bright (2024) ended Chevron deference, an agency’s mere interpretation of its own authority can not override state law absent a clear and manifest congressional intent to preempt. The FTC identifies no such intent.

5. The proposal is premature.

If a future problem arises that genuinely harms AI model owners, they retain traditional remedies: petitioning Congress for statutory change. They are not without recourse, and that recourse is fully consistent with our constitutional structure and the longstanding division of authority between federal agencies and the states.

Conclusion

For these reasons, the proposed Policy Statement should not be adopted.

Respectfully submitted,  
etc etc
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Monday, July 27, 2026

Some SAVE Act Absurdities

 

⏱️ Implementation timeline and cost

The SAVE Act would require states to overhaul voter‑registration systems before November 4 of this year. That is just not possible. States would need new verification processes, new documentation‑handling systems, new training for staff, and new public‑facing procedures. This would require millions of dollars, thousands of new hires, emergency procurement, and rushed changes during an already high‑pressure election cycle, increasing the risk of errors.

๐Ÿ“„ Documentation requirements could block eligible voters

The Act requires documentary proof of citizenship (passport, birth certificate, etc.) for voter registration. Critics note that millions of eligible U.S. citizens lack immediate access to these documents, and obtaining them can take weeks or months. This could prevent eligible voters from registering in time, especially younger voters, elderly voters, low‑income voters, and people whose legal names differ from their birth certificates.

๐Ÿ—‚️ Administrative burden on election offices

Election administrators warn the Act would impose heavy new responsibilities without providing funding or clear guidance. Staff would need to verify citizenship documents manually, handle disputes, and manage new workflows. Critics say this increases the risk of mistakes, especially under tight deadlines, and could expose officials to legal penalties for errors.

๐Ÿงน Risk of wrongful voter‑roll removals

The Act requires states to compare voter rolls with federal databases that critics say contain known inaccuracies. Because citizenship records are not always up‑to‑date or consistent across agencies, critics worry that eligible voters could be mistakenly flagged and removed. Past attempts at similar cross‑checks have resulted in wrongful purges due to mismatched names, outdated records, or data‑entry errors.

๐Ÿชช Strict photo‑ID rules

The SAVE Act includes a federal photo‑ID requirement that critics describe as unusually strict. Many driver’s licenses do not indicate citizenship, meaning voters would need additional documents. Critics argue this creates extra hurdles for people who already face challenges obtaining or updating identification.

Sunday, July 26, 2026

The Math of Death - People On The Rolls

 In a country of 330 million people, roughly a quarter‑million voting‑age citizens die each month. That’s just demographic math. And because death reporting is not instantaneous or centralized, voter‑roll cleanup naturally lags behind real‑world events.

Removing someone from the rolls is not automatic. Funeral homes often notify the county, but that’s only one pathway. Counties also receive death data from state vital‑records offices, Social Security, and interstate cross‑checks. All of these systems involve human verification, and many counties still rely on manual review. It’s normal for the process to take weeks or even a couple of months.

This isn’t evidence of wrongdoing — it’s simply how administrative systems work. A voter who has died cannot vote, and ballots are tied to identity checks, signatures, and verification steps. The presence of a deceased person on a voter roll for a short period doesn’t create a meaningful opportunity for fraud; it just reflects the time it takes for bureaucracies to sync their records.

The real takeaway is that voter‑roll maintenance is continuous, not instantaneous. People die every day, and counties update their lists on a rolling basis. A temporary mismatch between real‑world population and the voter database is normal and expected in any large system.


Saturday, July 25, 2026

Immigration "Judges" can not issue "Warrants"

The Fourth Amendment requires that warrants be issued only by a neutral and detached magistrate — a judicial officer who is independent of law enforcement and empowered to make judicial determinations. This requirement is foundational to the Amendment’s protection against unreasonable searches and seizures and has been repeatedly articulated by the Supreme Court.

In Johnson v. United States (1948), the Court held that the warrant process must be insulated from “the competitive enterprise of ferreting out crime,” requiring a judicial officer who is not aligned with law enforcement. Coolidge v. New Hampshire (1971) reaffirmed that executive‑branch officials — including prosecutors — cannot constitutionally issue warrants because they lack the neutrality required by the Fourth Amendment. Finally, Shadwick v. City of Tampa (1972) clarified that even non‑Article III judicial officers may issue warrants only if they are part of the judicial branch and independent from law enforcement authority.

Taken together, these cases define the constitutional boundaries of who may serve as a warrant‑issuing magistrate. The Court’s holdings make clear that the warrant power is reserved for judicial officers who are structurally insulated from executive influence.

Immigration judges do not meet these criteria. They are executive‑branch adjudicators employed by the Department of Justice’s Executive Office for Immigration Review. They are not Article III judges, not Article I magistrate judges, and not members of the judicial branch. They do not possess authority to issue criminal search or arrest warrants, nor do they satisfy the independence requirements articulated in Johnson, Coolidge, and Shadwick.

Accordingly, immigration judges cannot be “neutral and detached magistrates” for Fourth Amendment purposes. Their role is limited to administrative adjudication within the executive branch, and they are not judicial warrant‑issuing officers under constitutional doctrine.

FURTHER READING

Johnson v. United States, 333 U.S. 10 (1948)

No. 329 Argued December 18, 1947 Decided February 2, 1948 333 U.S. 10 CERTIORARI TO THE CIRCUIT COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/333/10/

Coolidge v. New Hampshire, 403 U.S. 443 (1971) No. 323 Argued January 12, 1971 Decided June 21, 1971 https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/403/443/

Shadwick v. City of Tampa, 407 U.S. 345 (1972) No. 71-5445 Argued April 10, 1972 Decided June 19, 1972 407 U.S. 345 APPEAL FROM THE SUPREME COURT OF FLORIDA

https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/407/345/

Homer and Helen: Blind Not Blond

If we want to understand Helen of Troy, it is best to begin with Homer, because Homer matters. Homer, the blind poet, does not paint a picture in the visual sense. Instead, he describes characters in terms of their impact on the people around them. His Helen is defined by what she causes, not by what she looks like.

In the Iliad, Helen is the irresistible object of desire whose presence can unsettle armies and kings. Her beauty is a force that shapes events. In the Odyssey, she is a wise and powerful queen who dispenses drugs that calm grief and who speaks with authority in the household of Menelaus. As happens so often in song, the poet evokes the feeling of the character and wisely leaves the details to the imagination of the audience.

One of the most interesting details is what Homer does not say. He never calls Helen ฮพฮฑฮฝฮธฮฎ. This is notable because Homer uses ฮพฮฑฮฝฮธฯŒฯ‚ freely for other figures, including Menelaus, and even for a river, the ฮพฮฑฮฝฮธแฝธฯ‚ ฯ€ฮฟฯ„ฮฑฮผฯŒฯ‚. Homer clearly had no hesitation about describing blondness when he wanted to. He simply chose not to apply it to Helen. Instead, he focuses on her charisma, her voice, and her effect on others.

Homer does use another famous epithet for women: ฮปฮตฯ…ฮบฯŽฮปฮตฮฝฮฟฯ‚, usually translated as white‑armed. This is not a comment on ethnicity. It is a comment on lifestyle. Aristocratic women spent much of their time indoors, so pale arms were a sign of status. The same aesthetic appears in other cultures. For example, geisha makeup uses white pigment to signal refinement and artistry. In both cases, the color is symbolic rather than literal.

Once we leave Homer and enter the world of archaic lyric poetry, we meet Sappho. She gives us one of the earliest descriptions of Helen as ฮพฮฑฮฝฮธฮฌ, meaning fair‑haired or golden. Sappho’s Helen is radiant and irresistible, a figure who shines rather than merely appears. It is a poetic effect, not a forensic report, and it fits Sappho’s general love of luminosity.

Then we turn to the visual arts. The Athenian vase painter Makron, active around 490 BCE, gives us a very different Helen. On his pottery, Helen appears with elegant bead‑black hair, rendered in the glossy, detailed style Makron favored. In Attic vase painting, this dark hair is simply the workshop convention. Heroes, heroines, gods, and mortals often share the same color palette. Helen’s black hair is not a coded message. It is just the standard visual language of the time.

The contrast between Makron’s bead‑black Helen and Sappho’s fair‑haired Helen has produced a long tradition of scholarly debate. Some readers insist that the vase painters must be correct. Others champion Sappho’s luminous Helen. The disagreements resemble a modern fandom arguing about which artist drew the definitive version of a comic book character. It is all in good fun, and it reminds us that myth is a living conversation.

A humorous part is that the ancient world itself was not consistent. Homer leaves Helen’s hair color unspecified. Sappho makes her fair. Attic painters make her dark. Later poets invent new variations entirely. The result is a mythological buffet. You may choose the Helen you prefer, and the ancient sources will politely look the other way.

Helen herself, if she could comment, might say something like: “I launched a thousand ships. Surely I can survive a few arguments about my hair.”

In the end, Helen of Troy remains a figure of beauty, ambiguity, and fascination. Whether she is painted with bead‑black curls or described as ฮพฮฑฮฝฮธฮฌ, she continues to inspire art, scholarship, and the occasional good‑natured quarrel. The important part is that she keeps us talking, which is exactly what great myths are meant to do. --- 

FURTHER READING - please make suggestions in the comments!

The Dead Roberts Discuss Fandom

FROM THE FILES OF THE DEAD ROBERTS SOCIETY:

Heinlein:
My fans were the kind who would correct your orbital mechanics before breakfast. Good people, except the ones who insisted every story was a manifesto.

RAW:
Oh, Bob, your fans loved manifestos. Mine preferred confusion. If they were not laughing and questioning reality simultaneously, they thought I had lost my touch.

Frost:
Confusion is fine, but my readers mostly wanted a quiet walk in the woods. They would tell me a poem changed their life, and I would think, “Well, that is more than I expected from a fence.”

Oppenheimer:
I never thought of having fans. Students, yes. Admirers, occasionally. But “fans” are for movie stars and baseball players.

RFK:
You had admirers who thought you were the smartest man alive. Mine did not. They just wanted a better country.

Johnson:
My fans wanted to know if I sold my soul at the crossroads. I told them: if I did, I hope I got a good deal. Blues fans do not mind a little mystery.

Graves:
Mystery is essential. My readers wanted myth, truth, and the uncomfortable suspicion that history is lying to them. They were right, of course.

Heinlein:
History lies? Only when written by committees.

RAW:
Or when written by people who do not realize they are trapped in a reality tunnel.

Frost:
Or when written by someone who thinks a metaphor is a structural support beam.

Johnson:
Or when written by someone who never heard the blues.

Oppenheimer:
Gentlemen, perhaps history is simply written by those who survive long enough to regret it.

RFK:
That is ... darker than my usual stump speech.

Graves:
Darkness is where myths ferment. And where fans become devoted.

Heinlein:
Well, at least none of our fans were boring.

RAW:
Speak for yourself. I had a few who thought Discordianism was a religion. Imagine that!

Frost:
I had people who thought “The Road Not Taken” was motivational.

All:
That's worse!

Tuesday, June 30, 2026

July+ 2026 Free CLE

 

July 2026 Free CLE

July 1: 
* Vicarious Trauma in Pro Bono Work. By Public Interest Law Initiative.
July 2:
July 8:
* Beyond Prompting: What Happens When AI Starts Doing the Work. By New York State Academy of Trial Lawyers.
July 9:
* Chart Attack: Audit Trails in MedMals and Nursing Home Cases. By New York State Academy of Trial Lawyers.
July 13:
July 14:
July 15:
* Mic Drop: Summations That Stick. By New York State Academy of Trial Lawyers.
* The Litigator's Lounge (Day 1 of 2). By Clio.
July 16:
* The Litigator's Lounge (Day 2 of 2). By Clio.
July 17:
* Implead It Like You Mean It: Navigating New CPLR 1007. By New York State Academy of Trial Lawyers.
* AI and Fabricated Evidence. By Alameda County Law Library.
July 23:
* Conjoint Analysis in Litigation. By The Knowledge Group.
July 29:
* Cliff Diving, Estate Edition: Don’t Let Your Clients Go Splat. By New York State Academy of Trial Lawyers.
August 11:
* Same Case, Same Facts, Same Page: Keeping Your Experts From Freelancing. By New York State Academy of Trial Lawyers.
* The Legal AI Accelerator Summit (Day 1 of 4): By Clio.
August 12:
* The Legal AI Accelerator Summit (Day 2 of 4): By Clio.
August 13:
* The Legal AI Accelerator Summit (Day 3 of 4): By Clio.
August 14:
* The Legal AI Accelerator Summit (Day 4 of 4): By Clio.
August 19:
* AI & The Record. By Veritext.
August 20:
* Civil Protection Orders in WA: A View from the Bench. By Washington State Bar Association.
August 25:
August 26:
August 27:

September 2026 Free CLE

September 3:
September 10:
*  
AI in Action: How to Draft with GenAI. By LexisNexis.
September 17:

October 2026 Free CLE.


Friday, June 26, 2026

Why Political Organizations Should Work With Field Team 6

Field Team 6 (FT6) is one of the most effective organizations working in voter engagement today. Founded in 2019 by Jason Berlin after his work on the California Democratic Party’s 2018 midterm campaign, FT6 exists for one purpose: to register likely Democratic voters year‑round.

Berlin created FT6 after seeing two structural problems that repeat every election cycle. First, campaigns dissolve when the election ends. The people, the skills, the momentum, the institutional memory — all of it disappears. This is considered normal, but it is also wasteful. The work of democracy does not stop in November.

Second, the Democratic Party largely leaves voter registration to others who do not necessarily prioritize our interests. Groups like the League of Women Voters do excellent work, but they are nonpartisan, and other organizations may be aligned with other parties. The result is that the pool of likely Democratic voters does not keep pace with population changes. GOTV programs become more expensive because they are chasing a stagnant pool of registered voters. And as the Pew Research Center found in its 2022 study Why Americans Don’t Vote, the number one reason people are not registered is simple: sixty percent say no one asked them.

In practical terms, the Democratic Party is abandoning votes that could be picked up for the asking. FT6 was created to do exactly that.

Crops must be sown long before the harvest.
Voters must be registered long before the election.

And there is always another election.

What FT6 Does

FT6 has spent years testing outreach methods and analyzing results. Their findings come from millions of real contacts. FT6 runs multimodal outreach: postcards, texts, emails, and some in-person registration drives.

FT6 reports the following results for the 2024 cycle: twenty‑five million people reached, six million registered, four million voted. A simple chain: 25 million reached → 6 million registered → 4 million voting.

Efficiency

Consider the economics: 
Traditional GOTV efforts tend to be less efficient because they focus on people who are already registered. A GOTV effort that increased propensity to vote by 2% is highly successful. 

In contrast, FT6 focuses on people who are not being reached by anyone else. As above, 25 million contacts resulting in 4 million new votes is an increase of 1-in 6.25 contacts, or about 16%.
And the economics are favorable:  Roughly, each individualized postcard costs about one dollar including printing and postage, plus about ten minutes of volunteer time. That means roughly a marginal six dollars and one volunteer hour likely produces one new Democratic or Democratic‑leaning voter .... and likely produces additional votes in future elections because once someone is registered, they tend to stay registered.

However, this is a data-driven effort. Buying data from commercial sources to sort out the unregistered likely Democrats is not cheap. It is merely more effective that other means of increasing totals at the ballot box.

Learnings

FT6 used to rely on vendor partisan scores. In 2024, their analytics team developed new models that outperformed those vendor tools. Through careful testing, FT6 learned that warm, conversational texting doubles response rates compared to cold scripts. And FT6 has learned that most people they contact are low‑information or no‑information voters: they are not following political news, not getting campaign emails, not being targeted by digital ads ... they are simply living their lives, ready to be asked by means the Democrats are not using in a systematic way.

A Key Insight: GOTV vs. Voter Registration

There is a fundamental asymmetry between GOTV communication and voter‑registration communication.

  • In a GOTV message, we are asking the recipient to do something for us: take time out of their day, go to a ballot box, and cast a vote. It is a request for effort — a civic request, but still a request.

  • In a voter‑registration message, we are offering to give something to them: the ability to participate, to have a voice, to be included in decisions that affect their lives. We are not asking for a favor; we are extending an opportunity.

This difference helps explain why voter‑registration outreach can be so effective. It is an invitation, not an ask — and many people respond simply because no one has ever offered before.

A King County Example

King County has an adult population of roughly 1.9 million. If about 13 percent of adults are non‑citizens, that leaves about 1.653 million adult citizens. Applying the county’s claimed registration rate of about 80 percent yields roughly 331,000 adult citizens who could register but have not. If about 58 percent lean Democratic overall in King County, then about 199,000 of these unregistered adults are likely Democratic.

If we imagine asking all 199,000 of these adults to register, and if we apply FT6’s reported ratio that about one in six contacts results in a new likely Democratic vote, then the result is about thirty‑three thousand likely new votes. This is not a prediction; just arithmetic showing what is possible when large numbers of unregistered adults are contacted and asked to register.

Why FT6 Should Present to LD34

Every political organization faces the same challenge: how do we expand the electorate in a way that is measurable, cost‑effective, and likely to produce long‑term impact? FT6 offers:

  • A clear theory of change

  • A track record of large‑scale results

  • A focus on people who are not being reached by anyone else

  • A method that is likely more cost‑effective than traditional GOTV

  • Tools that political organizations can use immediately

  • Training that is friendly, accessible, and fast

  • A willingness to talk to any group, anytime, via Zoom or sometimes in person

Data is expensive. Buying commercial databases to identify unregistered likely Democratic voters takes money and time. FT6 is grassroots‑funded and could do more work with more resources. But the core insight remains: every likely Democrat who is not registered to vote should be asked to register. FT6 has the tools to help local organizations do exactly that.

If this work matters to LD34, there are two simple ways to help: invite FT6 to speak at an upcoming meeting, and consider contributing a few dollars to support their outreach.

Grassroots organizations run on energy and small donations. FT6 is no exception. And the work they do is likely to have long‑term impact, because registering a voter is not a one‑time action; it changes the electorate itself.

We win the battle by changing the battlefield.

Saturday, June 13, 2026

Comment on NDA Proposal

 Responding to LDAD's call for action:


There is also still time to submit comments to last week's Action Alert in response to the Office of Personnel Management's proposal that could result in all federal employees being required to sign a Nondisclosure Agreement. The comment period for this OPM Federal Register Notice closes on June 26, 2026. Here, too, LDAD's Action Alert and Briefing Materials provide comprehensive information to support your response."

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I submitted:

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Along with every American PATRIOT, I oppose any rule requiring federal employees to sign a Non Disclosure Agreement covering unclassified, non‑privileged, non‑personally identifiable information. Such a rule would be both unconstitutional and unwise.

Existing protections already govern classified, privileged, and personally identifiable information. The Privacy Act of 1974 (5 U.S.C. 552a), the Trade Secrets Act (18 U.S.C. 1905), and Federal Records Act regulations at 36 C.F.R. 1222.24(a)(6) already prohibit unauthorized disclosure of PII and other protected information. Nothing in the proposed rule fills a legitimate gap.

Public ownership of government information is a core democratic principle. The public pays for government work and is entitled to unclassified, non‑privileged, non‑PII information. There is no valid reason to threaten employees for sharing what the public already owns.

The proposed definition of “Confidential Government Information” is unworkably broad. The phrase “non‑public” is especially problematic. Any information that is unclassified, non‑privileged, and non‑PII is potentially public. Treating such information as inherently confidential contradicts the presumption of openness that Congress has repeatedly written into law.

Executive power is limited to faithfully executing the laws. Attempts to hide unclassified information often signal an intention to exceed lawful authority or to conceal that it has already been exceeded. OPM’s own examples, such as procurement processes, illustrate why transparency is essential. Procurement has long been an area where secrecy enables waste, fraud, and abuse.

Congressional oversight is a constitutional duty. Any NDA that restricts employee communication with Congress is unconstitutional on its face. Congress cannot oversee what it is forbidden to learn.

Recruiting and retaining talent matters. Threat based secrecy drives away qualified public servants and leaves the government less capable of doing the people’s business.

The incidents OPM cites do not support the proposed rule. Leaks of ICE employee PII are already illegal under the Privacy Act (5 U.S.C. 552a), the Trade Secrets Act (18 U.S.C. 1905), and Federal Records Act regulations at 36 C.F.R. 1222.24(a)(6). Leaks of military operations are already prohibited under 18 U.S.C. 793 and 18 U.S.C. 798, as well as Department of Defense OPSEC regulations and Articles 92 and 134 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice. These examples involve conduct that is already criminal. They do not justify imposing a new NDA on unclassified, non‑privileged, non‑PII information that the public is entitled to receive.

For these reasons and more, I strongly oppose the proposed rule as unconstitutional, unnecessary, and a threat to liberty.